{"id":1968,"date":"2024-09-11T11:28:32","date_gmt":"2024-09-11T01:28:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/?p=1968"},"modified":"2025-12-04T12:06:37","modified_gmt":"2025-12-04T01:06:37","slug":"turkmenistans-political-future-amid-growing-australian-ties","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/turkmenistans-political-future-amid-growing-australian-ties\/","title":{"rendered":"Turkmenistan\u2019s Political Future amid Growing Australian Ties"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The appointment of Turkmenistan\u2019s first Ambassador at Government House in Canberra earlier this year signals an anticipated closer partnership<\/a> between Australia and the land-locked post-Soviet state in Central Asia. Yet the strengthening of ties between the two nations comes as domestic politics in Turkmenistan settles into a new pattern following last year\u2019s leadership transition that see the Central Asia state now governed by a father and his son.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Australia and Turkmenistan have \u2018modest\u2019 relationships<\/a>, with diplomatic ties being established in May 1992 and economic trade last financial year totaling only US$1.1 million. Australia has no direct representations in Turkmenistan with the Australian Embassy in the Russian Federation holding non-resident accreditation for Turkmenistan. Yet the incoming Turkmen ambassador, Atadurdy Bayramov\u2019s presentation of his credentials to the Governor-General of the Commonwealth of Australia on 15 March this year signals a historic shift in the relationship and the intension to grow this currently modest trade partnership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The former Soviet state had for 15 years been ruled by Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov, known as the Protector (Arkadag), who assumed the presidency<\/a> following the unexpected death<\/a> of the country\u2019s first leader, Saparmurat Niyazov \u2013 known as the Leader of All Turkmens (Turkmenbashy), in February 2007. A dentist by profession, Berdymukhamedov swiftly consolidated power, establishing a personality cult. His popularity was bolstered by viral video clips, rather than with his presidential responsibilities, showcasing activities, such as working out<\/a> with his Cabinet Ministers, racing<\/a> cars, singing<\/a> songs with his nephew, and writing<\/a> poetry.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In February 2022, after 15 years in office, Berdymukhamedov announced his intention to step aside for a younger generation, prompting a snap presidential election<\/a> in March 2022. Despite nine candidates contesting the election, it was evident that the president\u2019s 40-year-old son, Serdar Berdymukhamedov, would win. Since 2016, Serdar had rapidly ascended the political ladder, holding positions such as a Member of Parliament (2016-2019), Deputy Governor of Akhal Province (2019-2020), Minister of Industry (2020-2021), and Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers (2021-2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Unsurprisingly, on 12 March 2022, Serdar Berdymukhamedov won<\/a> the special presidential election with 73 percent of the vote, marking the formation of the first modern Central Asian political dynasty in a presidential republic. Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov retained power<\/a> by amending the Constitution before his resignation, becoming the Chairman of the Halk Maslakhaty<\/a> (People\u2019s Council), a supreme constitutional authority overseeing all decision-making processes of the country. This established a duumvirate model<\/a>, with both Berdymukhamedovs governing concurrently and peacefully.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite a seamless nepotistic leadership transition, Turkmenistan faces several challenges requiring immediate attention. The government has not officially acknowledged<\/a> the Coronavirus pandemic or its lingering impacts on the healthcare system, and continues to withhold statistics on deaths, infections, and recoveries. Additionally, the public faces restrictions<\/a> on financial transactions and economic activities, such as opening small and medium businesses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Societal issues inherited from the former President include internet censorship<\/a>, high levels of corruption in the educational systems<\/a> and lack of academic freedom, and absence of genuine civil society associations or non-governmental organizations<\/a>. Turkmen citizens abroad encounter difficulties in extending and renewing their international passports<\/a> due to restrictions on issuing passports abroad.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two years into his presidency, the bulk of these issues have not been addressed by Serdar Berdymukhamedov. Some small policies have been introduced amidst public outrage, which has culminated in rare public demonstration<\/a>s. International flights<\/a> to destinations, such as Dubai (UAE), Kazan and Moscow (Russia), and later to Abu Dabi (UAE), Bangkok (Thailand), Beijing (China), and Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia) have resumed. International passports<\/a> of Turkmen citizens abroad have been extended via a QR code stamp until December 2024, allowing only residence and travel within the host country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, critical areas remain unaddressed. The economy continues to decline, with tightening employment opportunities<\/a> and restricted labour migration and travel abroad. Gender issues, including women\u2019s rights to bodily autonomy, clothing and freedom of movement, have worsened with new restrictions on driver\u2019s licenses<\/a> and elective cosmetic surgeries<\/a> for women. Members of the LGBTQ+ communities in Turkmenistan<\/a> continue to face discrimination and their lives are endangered.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In terms of foreign relations and trade, Serdar Berdymukhamedov continues his father\u2019s policy of \u2018permanent neutrality\u2019 (also known as \u2018positive neutrality<\/a>\u2019) and non-interference. The government avoids formal alliances and refrains  from joining regional political or military blocs, such as the Collective Security Organizations<\/a> (CSTO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization<\/a> (SCO), to which some neighboring Central Asian states are members.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Serdar Berdymukhamedov has completed significant diplomatic missions to Russia<\/a> and China<\/a> emphasizing economic and energy partnerships, while exploring more opportunities with the Turkic world through the Organization of Turkic States<\/a>. Amidst the political instability in the region, Turkmenistan balances its relationships with Russia, Ukraine<\/a>, and Afghanistan<\/a>, maintaining a neutral stance and providing humanitarian aid to the later.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

So, while Australia may believe that strengthening ties between the two nations will occur under the reign of a youthful and popular president, the nepotistic reality of Turkmenistan\u2019s leadership change means that Turkmenistan\u2019s economic and foreign policies will remain largely unchanged.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The views expressed in the Near East Policy Forum are those of the authors and do not represent the views of the Near East Policy Forum or any of its partner organisations.<\/strong><\/em>\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The strengthening of ties between Australia and Turkmenistan comes as domestic politics in the Central Asian states settles into a new pattern following last year\u2019s leadership transition.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":1969,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_gspb_post_css":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[265940,3781,28,265970],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1968","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-central-asia","category-australia","category-politics","category-turkmenistan"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1968","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/5"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1968"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1968\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1969"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1968"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1968"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nepf.org.au\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1968"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}